Findings & Footnotes October 2016

  • R. Scott Hanson’s book City of Gods (Fordham University Press, $35) is a study of a very particular place, the Flushing section of Queens in New York City, but the author believes that the “super-diversity” of this neighborhood can tell us a great deal about American religious pluralism. Flushing is unique in several ways—it has a long and yet neglected history of pluralism and religious freedom stemming from the Flushing Remonstrance, a historic document that guaranteed freedom to Quakers during the Dutch settlement of New York. But more importantly, the neighborhood’s high concentration of different faith traditions and congregations is singular in the U.S. (other neighborhoods in Queens have the distinction of being the most diverse zip codes in the country, but Flushing carries the title in terms of religious institutions). In about a two-mile-radius of downtown, Hanson counts dozens of Hindu and Buddhist temples, mosques, Sikh gudwaras, and, most noticeably, over 100 Korean churches (not to mention other churches). The diversification since the 1990s (although starting with the post-1965 immigration) makes Hanson ask the obvious questions: Can society withstand such extreme diversity? Can any kind of identity and unity exist in such pluralism?

    Using ethnographic and historical methods, Hanson finds that there isn’t a limit to pluralism as far as its effect on interreligious conflict; residents show considerable tolerance among each other, except when it comes to the lack of parking due to churches being built in residential areas (due to zoning laws).  The theory that pluralism raises religious vitality may be evident at least in the Korean church community, as congregations compete with (and often split off from) each other. But Hanson is less optimistic about the level of “active tolerance” and “inclusivism” in Flushing; most people did not try to learn from or even interact with those of other faith traditions. The newcomers did not generate the sense of community as found among the older white population of the 1970s and before. At least that was the case going up to 2001, when Hanson formally ended his study. In a final chapter updating his findings, Hanson finds somewhat more interaction as residents have integrated into the community; different ethnic and religious groups are more involved in civic and neighborhood organizations—especially the second-generation Chinese—and several leaders have even become aware of Flushing’s heritage of religious freedom, though this is still quite rare.12findingsa
  • To Care for Creation (University of Chicago Press, $30), by Stephen Ellingson, examines both the growth and limits of religious environmentalism through focus on the careers and work of activists in the movement. Based on interviews with leaders from more than 60 religious environmental groups, Ellingson finds that there is a lack of unity and cooperation among many of these groups, even though there are umbrella organizations such as the National Religious Partnership for the Environment. There has also been a time lag, with most secular environmental groups starting at least 25 years before religious ones. Ellingson writes that it was in the 1990s when religious bodies issued various statements and consultations; only after they developed religious rationales for getting involved in the environmental movement did they actually start forming organizations. In a statistical overview of the 63 organizations that he studied, the author finds considerable differences in issues and approaches—although 89 percent deal with climate change—with fewer groups working on legislation and lobbying to the extent that the secular movement does. The lack of coordination between religious groups and between secular and religious organizations (along with a level of suspicion existing between both movements) hampers the effectiveness of faith-based environmentalism.

    Ellingson argues that these organizations are shaped by their broader religious traditions and contexts, which support but can also restrict their strategies as religious actors in the environmentalist field. For instance, he finds that Jewish environmental groups are adept at reinterpreting sacred texts and ritual practices in developing a “green ethic.” Other groups are more constrained or conflicted in the institutional choices they can make; mainline Protestants may have a wider variety of resources to use but have to be careful about alienating the audiences of their particular organizations through misinterpreting or over-emphasizing one particular tradition. Ellingson concludes that religious environmental groups’ strength is the moral and ethical tone they inject into environmental activism and that they are more likely to balance their message of concern about the environment with one of hope and moderation than are secular groups. But because religious groups are still at the stage of trying to convince their constituencies and audiences that the environment is an important issue, they are not yet ready to mobilize them into action.12findingsb
  • Journalist Andrew Brown and sociologist Linda Woodhead join forces in the new book This Was the Church That Was (Bloomsbury, $29.95), to produce a no-holds-barred and controversial account of the declining fortunes of the Church of England. The book, which was delayed in publication this summer over contested sections regarding C of E leaders, argues that the church is out of touch with the English people both as an establishment institution and as a spiritual community. They trace much of this disconnect with society to the Thatcher years when the class structure crumbled and the bishops and the machinery of the church couldn’t deal with the reality that they were no longer the establishment. Their candid and at times humorous account of the subcultures in the C of E—describing one Anglo-Catholic seminary as so “spikey” that “men called each other by girl’s names like `Doris’ and `Betty’ and got excited about lacy cottas and embroidered chasubles”—lays the blame for the decline on all parties concerned. The evangelicals insisted on moral purity and 1950s-style conservatism that was out of touch with modern British mores and lifestyles, while the more liberal bishops, such as former Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams, were married to social policies out of touch with more conservative members. They write that Williams backtracked from his support of gay clergy and women bishops while making confusing statements about the validity of sharia law in Britain, leaving both the conservative and liberal public disaffected.

    These and other missteps led to the growing number of British “nones”— though not necessarily atheists or irreligious as seen in their interest in alternative spiritual practices. Brown and Woodhead provide an interesting comparison between the state church in Denmark and the C of E—the latter has lost its monopoly in “hatching, matching and dispatching” members (as seen in the rise of non-C of E funerals), while the Danes still largely use the church for these services (even with their very low rates of attendance). The gloomy picture the authors draw (especially about the demise of rural parishes) offers only a few glimmers of hope. The charismatics’ and Anglo-Catholics’ worship service resonate with many people, while  the other various movements and parties offer elements that can help renew the church, including the enthusiasm and organizational pragmatism of the evangelicals, the spirituality of the Anglo-Catholics, and the liberals’ interest in the outside world.12findingsc
  • New Ways of Being Pentecostal in Latin America (Lexington Books, $90), edited by Martin Lindhardt, suggests that while Pentecostalism will continue its growth on this continent, it will increasingly diversify as it faces new cultural and religious challenges. In his introduction, Lindhardt argues that while the long-held theory that Latin American Pentecostals see their faith as an alternative to poverty and lower class status still is relevant, new developments are shaping the movement, such as the rise of an educated Pentecostal middle class, new political and civic involvement, and a “de-institutional” tendency where believers pick and choose their beliefs and practices or drop out of the churches completely or return to Catholicism. Several of the chapters look at the ways Pentecostal churches have adapted and innovated in their styles of music, including contemporary, black gospel, and rap (even as certain dance moves or what is considered inappropriate clothing are prohibited).

    In chapters on Chile and the Central American countries of Guatemala and El Salvador, Pentecostal political involvement has noticeably increased, at least among the younger generations, especially in direct social ministry, but it would be an exaggeration to say Pentecostalism has been politicized or aligned with a particular political orientation. Other chapters cover the ongoing competition between Catholicism and Pentecostalism, with the former adopting Pentecostal practices while struggling to keep their identity, and an in-depth look at the Congregacao Christa no Brasil (CCB), the largest Pentecostal body in Brazil that has effectively transmitted the faith to younger generations. In the Afterword, sociologists David and Bernice Martin provide an exhaustive annotated bibliography of global Pentecostalism, concluding that while Pentecostalism may “work” best on the micro level of social life, the movement’s public role in weak and failing states—from pacifying urban ghettos to reintegrating those fighting in civil wars in Africa—should not be underestimated.In chapters on Chile and the Central American countries of Guatemala and El Salvador, Pentecostal political involvement has noticeably increased, at least among the younger generations, especially in direct social ministry, but it would be an exaggeration to say Pentecostalism has been politicized or aligned with a particular political orientation. Other chapters cover the ongoing competition between Catholicism and Pentecostalism, with the former adopting Pentecostal practices while struggling to keep their identity, and an in-depth look at the Congregacao Christa no Brasil (CCB), the largest Pentecostal body in Brazil that has effectively transmitted the faith to younger generations. In the Afterword, sociologists David and Bernice Martin provide an exhaustive annotated bibliography of global Pentecostalism, concluding that while Pentecostalism may “work” best on the micro level of social life, the movement’s public role in weak and failing states—from pacifying urban ghettos to reintegrating those fighting in civil wars in Africa—should not be underestimated.12findingsd